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Nor are we sure how strictly they were enforced. There were liasons between the occupation soldiers and Dutch women.

Children of World War II

The extent of the liasons I am unsure about. Nor am I sure about the number of children fathered by German soldiers. And after the War, many of these children were ostracized in the Netherlands. After the liberation in , they were rounded up, shaven bald and put on display on a truck or platform to be insulted by the liberated population.

I have seen it with my own eyes. After the War, collaborators were arrested and put in camps until they were sentenced to prison or sent home.

True stories

That all depended on the seriousness of the collaboration. E-mail message, November 2, Female Collaborators Punished.


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YouTube video, min. Published on Sep 18, by War Archives. The humiliating scenes often took place in front of jeering crowds. Members of the resistance were suppose to be doing the shaving but in fact many of them weren't from the resistance - they were in fact collaborators themselves seeking to divert attention away from themselves. Unlike many other groups of CBOW, the Vietnamese GI-children, born in the late s and early s at the height of the conflict, did receive some political attention. As the war had been an ideological as much as a military or political conflict, ideological divisions were expected to continue long after the defeat of the South Vietnamese Army by the VietKong and withdrawal of the American forces.

The US government anticipated a demonisation of all things American and significant hardship for those in Vietnam with clear links to the American enemy, above all children visibly identifiable as offspring of American GIs.

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General Accounting Office, : 1—3 , and some Vietnamese Amerasians were evacuated at the end of the war in April , as part of the so-called Operation Babylift, a US-government-backed initiative that saw the transport of several thousand young children to America, Canada and Europe U. Agency for International Development, Subsequently, as part of the Orderly Departure Programme of Kumin, and the Amerasian Immigration Act , a further Amerasians and 11, of their relatives immigrated to the United States.

By , approximately 25, Amerasians and between 60, to 70, of their relatives had immigrated to the United States under the American Homecoming Act Lee, : ii; U. General Accounting Office, Following these various waves of evacuation and emigration, an estimated — Vietnamese Amerasians are thought to have remained in Vietnam Lind, Understanding of the life courses and experiences of Amerasians has been patchy, with clusters of research around psychosocial outcomes and mental health pathologies on the one hand Bernak and Chung ; Felsman et al.

Even less is understood about Amerasians in Vietnam with no published research about their experiences nor any data collected about their mental and physical health outcomes or socio-economic circumstances.

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In contrast, some experiences of Amerasians who later immigrated to the United States have been recorded, including early childhood experiences in Vietnam and life courses in America Lamb, ; Long, ; Valverde, ; Yarborough, General Accounting Office, : Post-migration reporting, especially in the media and often around the anniversaries of the Babylift and the Homecoming Act, has tended to emphasise the greater opportunities for Amerasians in the United States Gaines, a , b ; Sachs, ; Taylor, ; Valverde, Significantly, most Amerasians had to abandon their dreams of a family life that included both parents, as only a fraction of Amerasian immigrants managed to contact their American fathers after arriving in the United States Lamb, In particular, Amerasian migrants with little schooling, limited English and few transferable skills, as well as those with Afro-American fathers, reportedly found adaptation to American life challenging Ranard and Gilzow, : 1—3.

Thomson, Through the narratives recounted in storytelling, people make sense of their personal experiences Fivush et al. Using SenseMaker, participants share a story in response to their choice of open-ended prompting questions and this story generates qualitative data in the form of brief narratives collected as audio or text files. After recording a micro-narrative, participants then self-interpret the described experiences by answering a series of pre-defined questions relating to the events in the story and these responses generate the accompanying quantitative data.

This kind of self-interpreted narrative capture, thus, can offer a more nuanced understanding of complex issues by using indirect prompting questions that tend to elicit more honest and more revealing responses. The authors have no relationship with Cognitive Edge and no conflict of interest around use of SenseMaker.

While SenseMaker has been investigated as a tool for dealing with inherently complex management and evaluation problems e. Therefore, we aim to contribute to the fledgling literature that assesses both the opportunities of self-interpreted narrative capture as well as challenges and limitations of the methodology for such research in a policy-relevant setting.

In particular, this article explores how narrative capture allows the collection of nuanced self-interpreted stories from Amerasians to investigate the social outcomes for three specific cohorts of GI-fathered children from the Vietnam War: 1 those who remained in Vietnam, 2 those who immigrated to the United States as babies or very young children and 3 those who immigrated to the United States as adolescents or adults. We describe both the browser-based and tablet-based collection of micro-narratives and related quantitative data, while assessing the usefulness of each data collection method among various participant subgroups.

Implementation challenges in each of the US and Vietnamese contexts are also presented along with reflections on lessons learned for future research involving CBOW. This cross-sectional, mixed qualitative—quantitative study was conducted in Vietnam and the United States in Individuals from the age of 11 years were eligible to participate. A variety of participant subgroups were targeted for recruitment to capture a wide range of perspectives about the life experiences of Amerasians. These subgroups included Amerasians themselves, mothers of Amerasians, spouses of Amerasians, biological fathers and stepfathers of Amerasians, adoptive parents of Amerasians, children of Amerasians, other relatives of Amerasians and community members where Amerasians live.

Interview sites were chosen purposively based on existing data about where Amerasians were thought to be living. In each of these four study locations, Amerasians Without Borders organised group meetings in which members and their relatives were invited to a designated location to meet with the interview team. After the study was introduced to potential participants, consenting Amerasians and their families were asked to privately share a story about the experiences of Amerasians in Vietnam either a personal story or a story about an Amerasian family member and to then interpret the story by completing the SenseMaker survey.

The interviewers travelled to each of these four study locations to meet participants with whom interviews had been pre-arranged through contacts within the Amerasians Without Borders social network. A link to the browser-survey offered in the United States was posted on Facebook and Twitter by Amerasians Without Borders in addition to being emailed to their members. Accessed 9 August , an organisation which aims to raise awareness of the Vietnam War and to provide support to Vietnamese war babies brought to the United States and other countries like the United Kingdom, France and Australia at the end of the war, also provided support for data collection in the United States.

Its social media platforms were leveraged to share information about the study and to distribute the browser link to Amerasian children who had immigrated to the United States through Operation Babylift. The SenseMaker survey was drafted iteratively in collaboration with an experienced narrative capture consultant and was reviewed by Vietnamese and Amerasian partners. Choosing one of two open-ended prompting questions, participants were asked to share an anonymous story about the life experiences of an Amerasian in Vietnam or in the United States.

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Multiple-choice questions followed to collect demographic data and to contextualise the shared story e. The survey was drafted in English, translated to Vietnamese and then back translated by an independent translator to resolve any discrepancies. The Vietnamese and English versions of the survey were uploaded to the Cognitive Edge secure server for use in Vietnam and the United States, respectively. Both surveys were reviewed for errors, and corrections were made prior to initiation of data collection. In the United States, data were similarly collected using the SenseMaker app on iPad Mini 4, but a browser version of the survey was also made available.

The browser survey, which was identical to that on the SenseMaker app, was circulated through various social networking platforms of Amerasians Without Borders and Operation Reunite. The browser survey was introduced in the United States where widespread availability of the Internet allowed the link to be shared with a large number of potential participants, many of whom were thought to be able to access the Internet independently to complete the survey at their convenience.

Immediately prior to data collection, all interviewers participated in a two-day training on narrative capture research ethics, use of an iPad, how to approach participants and obtain informed consent, specific survey questions with multiple role-playing sessions, data management, adverse events and programme referrals. During the upload process, data were automatically deleted from the tablet. Both self-identified as Amerasian and received individual training on the above topics immediately prior to data collection.

During data collection at the Amerasians Without Borders annual meeting in Chicago, they were supported by three fully trained interviewers, including a faculty member, a student and a volunteer. The browser survey used in the United States was posted on Facebook and Twitter by Amerasians Without Borders with individuals completing the survey independently and uploading the data directly to the Cognitive Edge secure server. At each of the pre-selected interview locations, potential participants in each of the targeted subgroups were identified through the social networks of Amerasians Without Borders.

Interviewers introduced the study using a pre-defined script, and if the individual expressed interest in participating, the interviewer and participant chose a private location that was out of earshot of others. Participants were then asked to tell a story about the experiences of an Amerasian based on their choice of two story prompts.

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Shared stories were audio-recorded on tablets and participants then responded to a series of pre-defined questions. All participants were asked if they would like to share a second story and therefore the number of shared stories exceeds the number of unique participants. A graduate student oversaw data collection in Vietnam by reviewing uploaded data on a weekly basis and performing quality assurance checks. All interviews were conducted confidentially and no identifying information was recorded, thus the data were anonymous from the start.

Participants were asked not to use actual names or other identifying information in their shared stories, and in the event they did, the name or other identifying information was not transcribed. In the facilitated interviews, informed consent was explained to the participant prior to the interview in either Vietnamese in Vietnam or English in the United States and was indicated by tapping a consent box on the handheld tablet. In the browser version, participants read the explanations of informed consent in English and clicked the consent box to indicate their willingness to participate.

No monetary or other compensation was offered but expenses incurred to travel to the interview were reimbursed and refreshments or a light meal were provided. This quantitative data are contextualised and interpreted in conjunction with the accompanying narratives, thus offering a rich mixed methods analysis. The results presented here are focused exclusively on the implementation of the research in both Vietnam and the United States among three different cohorts of Amerasians. Quantitative and qualitative data will be presented separately.


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In total, self-interpreted stories were collected from unique participants in Vietnam, and 58 stories were collected from 55 unique participants in the United States. A variety of subgroups were included as outlined in Table 1 to provide different perspectives. Earlier documentation suggested that the Amerasians in Vietnam had faced considerable stigmatisation and discrimination as a result of being visibly connected with the American enemy McKelvey, : 21; Yarborough, : Consequently, we anticipated that it would be challenging to reach the Amerasians in Vietnam for the purposes of this research, and it was unknown if the Amerasians would be willing to talk with the research team about their life experiences.

By recruiting through the Vietnam chapter of Amerasians Without Borders , however, we were able to interview unique participants, of them Amerasian themselves. Not only were we able to connect with a surprising number of Amerasians and their family members over a 3-week period, but some of the research participants travelled considerable distances to be able to take part in the study.